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Following the end of a long-standing dispute built on combat and negotiation, Zionist leader David Ben-Gurion officially declared the state of Israel the national Jewish homeland on May 14, 1948. While Palestinian Arabs made efforts to curb the influx of Zionist immigration and land purchases beginning in the 1880s, the recognition of Israel as an independent Jewish state after World War II fulfilled the dream of statehood for thousands of Eastern European Jews. Several crucial factors, internally and externally, impelled these Zionists to gain independence from Palestinian Arabs and establish a sacred homeland. Specifically, the Zionist movement proved to be successful over time due to a strong Jewish identity, a stable infrastructure, an abundance of economic means and the political support from several Western democracies. The bond that Jews shared as a distinct people provided the foundation for the Zionist movement and triggered the first steps toward the creation of Israel. In their earliest existence, Jews had for a long time been unified by a strong religious and cultural identity. For many centuries, Jews held close ties to the Eretz Israel, or Palestine, as their ancestral and biblical homeland. Jews never forgot this holy land - it had always been a territory that consisted of Jewish inhabitants. Throughout their history in Eastern Europe, Jews were confined to small, isolated communities and subject to various attacks, or pogroms. Realizing that life in Russia was intolerable, the Jews looked to acquire territory elsewhere with many envisioning a return to Palestine. Israeli author Amos Elon explains in his novel, The Israelis: Founders and Sons, this desire to escape religious persecution and possess freedom in a new homeland: "Many were seized by a profound desire to get away from it all - from anti-Semitism, social injustice, money, capitalism, away even from the fetters of their own orthodox religion - to a desert island of their dreams, where no man would be his fellow's master." With Jews beginning to emigrate from Eastern Europe in the late 19th century, they continued to uphold their strong Israeli identity and heritage. These cultural ties to Israel provided a strong, stable Zionist following strengthened by secular nationalism and anti-Jewish prejudice. While Jews from Eastern Europe shared a common culture and religion, their heritage had been marked by continual prejudice and ostracism that led to the projected move to Palestine. As Elon explains, there was a "primeval force which drew the Zionists to Palestine and only Palestine." Jewish journalist Theodore Herzl inspired this Zionist following, calling for the creation of a Jewish state to embrace European Jewry and abolish anti-Semitism that still existed in Western Europe. Although Herzl's project to gain international recognition for a Jewish state ultimately failed, his vision led to further solidarity among European Jews with the creation of the World Zionist Organization and Jewish National Fund. These organizations provided the framework for the Zionist movement and ultimately the creation of a Jewish state. With a shared identity and heritage now established in Palestine, Zionists gradually created an infrastructure to achieve their aspirations for Jewish nationalism and assimilation in their new home. Jews believed that this new society would feature the socialist ideals that had been introduced to them while living in Russia. This socialist ideology included a commitment to the land with a focus on agriculture and cultivation. Thus, the economic status of Zionists was safe under the principles of socialism, allowing each to gain equally. Jews established their economy based largely on the exclusion of Arabs from land they farmed and from the Jewish labor market. Along with the benefits of a socialist society, the establishment of the World Zionist Organization created a home for the Jews in Palestine secured by public law. Moreover, the Zionists were able to maintain a strong economic standing with the wealth generated from the Jewish National Fund and other financial organizations, including the American Zion Commonwealth. As the only source of financing, these endowments presented the Zionists with external sources of capital. In contrast, Palestinian Arab families lacked such capital because of their inability to access outside funds - their wealth was in the land, with land speculation providing the means for possession. Thus, the sale of land to the Jews was the only solution the Arab community had for acquiring cash to preserve their economic and political stability in society. For example, during the years 1908 to 1913, Jews bought over 10,000 acres of farmland and bought 35,000 more as World War I began in Europe. By 1914, Jews already owned half of the land. The expansive budget that the Zionist movement instituted for land purchases greatly helped the Jews secure possession of the land while fulfilling monetary needs of the Palestinian Arabs. The external support from Great Britain, the United States and the United Nations strengthened the Zionist movement in achieving its goal of statehood. After the Sykes-Picot Agreement in May 1916 officially defined the Arab land under British and French control, the British government increased its interest in Zionism and the state of Palestine soon afterward. Concerned that Russia would withdraw from World War I, Great Britain feared that the Germans would be able to focus their troops on France and Britain in the West. To avoid this possibility, the British began to promote Zionism to help sustain Russia's war effort against Germany. Even more, the British believed that their support of Zionism would encourage the United States to enter the war. With that in mind, the Balfour Declaration of November 2, 1917 was drafted to promise the Jews a national home in Palestine. This document was the first to recognize the Zionist efforts for a Jewish state. While the British held sentiment for the Jews after the Holocaust and World War II, this was not the primary reason for the British government's support of the Zionist movement. Rather, Great Britain supported the Zionist movement over the Palestinian Arabs as a means for expanding their imperial interests in the Middle East. Author Charles D. Smith explains these imperialistic ties that Palestine offered the British: "Imperialism and the security of imperial interests were the crux of 19th century great power relations, based on the economic as well as military and politic advantages to be derived from direct or indirect control of territory. Here Zionism melded with British assumptions of their right to deal with territories they saw fit." This support outside of Palestine gave the Zionist movement leverage in reaching their hope for a Jewish state. However, the British recognized the need to address the interests of the Palestinian Arabs during World War II. This change in partiality started with the creation of the White Papers in 1939, stating that Jews would be allowed to create a Jewish National Homeland in an independent Palestinian state. But the willingness to offer some stake of the land to the Palestinian Arabs infuriated Ben-Gurion and the rest of the Zionist movement after being guaranteed their own state in the Balfour Declaration. In turn, Zionists decided that they would not settle for this new solution to the conflict, demanding unlimited immigration to produce a Jewish majority for the creation of Israel. And for that, the Zionists looked to the United States in order to regain support for an independent Jewish state. With a large population of European Jews lacking a home after the catastrophic events of World War II and the Holocaust, United States President Harry S. Truman was emotionally inclined to provide the Jews with refuge. Consequently, at the end of August 1945, he requested that Great Britain and Prime Minister Clement Attlee sponsor the immigration of 100,000 Jewish refugees into Palestine. This proposal initiated American involvement in the Middle East as the United States began working with the British to resolve the land dispute of Palestine. While Americans agreed that Palestine should represent a haven for Jews who had survived the Holocaust, part of this support for the Zionists was to reject admissions into the United States. Truman later explained that the United States would not have any military influence in Palestine, but he did approve the admission of 100,000 refugees into the country. The backing of the United States in conjunction with the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) added to this international support for Ben-Gurion and the Zionist movement. As meetings progressed in 1947, the international community continued to recognize the right of the Jews to an independent state in part of Palestine. Soon after, Zionists were awarded the state of Israel within the borders designated by the UNSCOP partition plan in 1948. So between a strong economic and political commitment by the world powers and the ability of the Zionists to establish a strong infrastructure, the success of the state of Israel was ultimately assured. Yet in the end, the dispute over occupying Palestine pitted two cultural groups against one another. With the Zionists succeeding in their quest for a Jewish homeland, the failure of the Palestinian Arabs to achieve their own separate state has continued to be the cause of much conflict and upheaval in the Middle East over the last 60 years. But overall, deficiencies in nationalism, political organization and leadership, economic growth, external support and military power jeopardized the creation of a Palestinian state during the first half of the 20th century. The absence of a Palestinian nationalist movement was in sharp contrast with the cohesive Zionist movement desperate to find a Jewish homeland. Unlike the Jews of Eastern Europe, the Palestinian Arabs did not hold the same sense of nationalism and community that Eastern European Jews produced under the Zionist movement. Rather, Palestinian society began with the settled agriculturalists, also known as the fellaheen or peasants, in correspondence to the dominant landowning families that controlled rural economic and social life. While the fellaheen represented the majority of inhabitants in Palestine, the 1834 revolt integrated the peasantry with Bedouins, rural sheikhs and Jerusalem religious figures in comprising the Palestinian people. Even though these Semitic people had a long history living in Palestine, they were not strongly tied to any specific heritage, tradition, or common bond similar to the Eastern European Jews, who had a long history as victims of religious persecution and managed to overcome other cultural obstacles in earlier centuries. This lack of identity was partly due to the fact that the Palestinians Arabs did not have a cause to bind them together; they originally came from many tribes of a transient people. Although Palestinian Arabs shared an attachment to the land and a desire for agricultural development, they were unable to organize a unified nationalistic following to pursue their objectives. In addition to this absence of nationalism and identity, the lack of political organization and leadership among the Palestinian Arabs added to the list of problems for establishing independence and statehood. For many years, Palestine lacked both a central leader and an organized political system to inform and mobilize its inhabitants. At the end of 1918, Palestine was represented under a single administration despite minimal Arab participation in mandate affairs. Observing this disconnection between Palestinian Arabs, Zionist Herbert Samuel attempted to create a legislative body in Palestine with the formation of an Arab Agency to represent Arab interests similar to the Zionist Executive for the Jews. But this plan failed to receive Arab support and accordingly, terminated British efforts to place Arab leaders into official contact with its government. Such political apathy from the Palestinian Arabs left them with no voice and little political influence concerning the proposal for a Jewish homeland. The Palestinian Arabs continued to show signs of political disorganization and ineffective leadership as the Zionists neared a resolution for a new homeland with the British government. However, this trend looked to end with the initial attacks on Jews during the Arab Revolt in April 1936. The Arab community temporarily exerted a sense of political unity with the formation of the Arab Higher Committee. This committee promoted a strike by Arab workers and government employees, a boycott against Jewish goods or sales to Jews and various attacks on Jewish settlements and British forces. Even so, this display of political organization would only last several months as the revolt failed due to the fact that Arab workers could not strike in an effective manner. If they did strike, they were quickly be replaced by Jewish workers, losing the opportunity to influence government policies through diplomacy. So with the collapse of the Arab Higher Committee, Palestinian leadership during the revolt splintered into individual commanders. Hence, Palestinian Arabs gradually became leaderless as Zionist leadership under Ben-Gurion continued to remain strong. By 1839, the Arab Higher Committee had collapsed with the end of the Arab Revolt as many Palestinian leaders fled Palestine to avoid captivity and punishment from the British. Then, from the United Nations partition plan in 1947, the Palestinian Arabs sure enough exposed their problems again with political leadership and organization. The passive leadership under Jamal al-Husayni and lack of representation from the peasantry and urban bourgeoisie further delayed their hope for an Arab state. The minimal amount of economic opportunity and external support created another dilemma for the Palestinian Arabs in gaining independence from the Zionist movement. As peasants and farmers, the Palestinian Arabs did not have the same opportunities to grow economically. While the Zionists largely benefited from external capital sources, the Palestinians had to rely solely on the land to bring them wealth. Even though the Palestinians expanded their agricultural production in vegetables and other crops, "they found themselves falling farther and farther behind the Jews and the most advanced Arab sector." After these earlier years in Palestine, the economic situation for the Arabs continued to deteriorate with the conclusion of World War I. The status of Palestine as a mandate under European control presented an economic disadvantage for the Arabs, who were easily exploited under Britain's colonial practices. And with Palestine not granted the right to create discriminatory tariffs against members of the League of Nations, the economy became an open market where countries could unload their surplus agricultural and industrial goods. This situation hurt the Arab economy in Palestine. Additionally, the lack of support from surrounding Arab countries proved to be detrimental to the Palestinian effort. In contrast, the Zionists, under the leadership of Ben-Gurion, were able to "rely on allies abroad to apply strong pressures to influence decisions in their favor, something denied Arabs of any political affiliation." The economic support that the Zionist movement received from the World Zionist Organization and Jewish National Fund offered more political leverage to the Jews in dealing with Great Britain, and later, the United Nations. While these internal and external economic and political failures damaged the chances of forming an Arab state, the defeats suffered from the Arab Revolt and Arab-Israeli Wars provided the final blow. Although the Palestinians held an overwhelming advantage in military participation throughout the Arab Revolt, Jewish immigration had contributed a disproportionate share of young men for the Zionists. However, the political disorganization and lack of leadership gave the Palestinian forces no chance of defeating the Zionists. With no infrastructure for supplies, weapons, ammunition, communications and recruitment, the Palestinian Arabs proved to be incapable of matching the military coordination and planning of the Jews. By 1939, the collapse of organized Arab resistance and the absence of central authority signaled the defeat of the Palestinians. In 1948, similar deficiencies in manpower, military training and planning proved to be the cause of many Palestinian deaths and ultimately squandered any chance of independence for the Arab community. Consequently, the Arab Revolt and the Arab-Israeli Wars were reminders of the poor leadership and organization that plagued Palestinian Arabs from the outset of the 20th century. The Palestinian Arabs were never able to match the unity, nationalism, political leadership and organization, economic prosperity, international recognition, or military strength that had produced a Jewish state for the Zionist movement. Instead, the inability of the Palestinians to demonstrate these various achievements eventually left the Arab nation divided, economically weak and politically unstable. Bibliography Kimmerling, Joel S. and Baruch Migdal. The Palestinian People. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003. Smith, Charles D. Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict: A History with Documents. New York: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2006. |
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International Political Economy Master - Blog Homepage Results
A blog devoted to the International Political Economy (IPE) course - Master International Relations and Diplomacy, Leiden University. April-May 2010. Editor: Agustin Mackinlay [a.mackinlay@umail.leidenuniv.nl]
...scholar and earned a doctorate in theoretical physics. • Chair of Harvard’s International Relations, Science & Security Area International Security Program within the Belfer Center...
...In addition to all the political forces portrayed...educational and career advance, etc. The economy will get out of the ...Clinton black blacks Bob Master capitalist class Corzine crisis...
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